The rule of law requires that no one is above the law, that the law has been defined before a controversy exists, and that the rights of minorities are protected. American republicanism and the ordered liberty it makes possible are grounded in the Federalists’ recognition that non-majoritarian parts of the community make legitimate contributions to the community’s welfare, and that preserving these contributions is the hallmark of political justice. In promoting greater equality, they would impose a single, uniform view of justice upon a republican order built on the recognition that the political community is more than just the majority of its citizens. And it reflects the view that while all factions within a political community understand themselves to be pursuing justice, they each of them speak of or seek only a part of justice. After all, the rule of moral and intellectual virtue ennobles the community. The American republic Theme: The American revolution Victory brought questions about the nature of the American state, including the relationship between individual colonies and national government. But he provides the theoretical justification for such a regime at the end of Book 3.REF According to Aristotle, all cities are made up of at least two factions, the “democrats” who are numerous but poor, and the “oligarchs,” who are few but rich. There are many facets to that viewpoint of theirs, but a central one is that we live in an evil country because America is not a democracy, but a republic. The “Mixed” Republic of Aristotle. In this way, republicanism protects the minority from unjust majorities and secures the conditions for the political and social freedoms that are the true goal of the American revolution. As a result, the principle of equality so deeply cherished by the majority is never examined with care. Democratic ideals led to the rejection of a Constitutional Monarchy or a more restrictive Republic. A constitutional republic is a state where the chief executive and representatives are democratically elected by the people, and the rules are set down in a written constitution.. They were not even bound by precedent; the assembly could undo in one meeting what it had decreed the week before. After the classical period, during the Middle Ages, many free cities developed again, such as Venice. In general, be courteous to others. For nearly 500 years, ancient Rome was a republic before it became ruled by emperors. The only voice that counts is that of the majority. Republics can bring together these potentially discordant voices because they, unlike direct democracies, employ the principle of representation. While the philosophical terminology developed in classical Greece and Rome, as already noted by Aristotle there was already a long history of city states with a wide variety of constitutions, not only in Greece but also in the Middle East. They saw that because ancient democracies lacked any social or institutional forces that could check, refine, or moderate the will of the majority, they were prone to great instability, riven by factionalism, and subject to the passions and short-sightedness of the public. The decisions rendered by such an assembly were absolute and there was no higher authority governing it. They also require the agents responsible for such stability and energy to be few in number. The contemporary efforts to weaken our republican customs and institutions in the name of greater equality thus run against the efforts by America’s Founders to defend our country from the potential excesses of democratic majorities. And yet today the effort to circumvent this aspect of our presidential system proceeds apace. This preference for republicanism over and against democracy was especially pronounced in America’s Founding political documents and in the numerous writings that justified and explained them. To the extent that we publicly disagree with one another then, our disagreements revolve around means and implementation; we fight over the proper meaning of equality and how to achieve it (not its fundamental goodness or desirability) or over how to register and effect the majority’s wishes (not whether majorities should rule). In other words, federalism, by protecting the sovereignty of the individual states, ensures that the states will cultivate different spheres of republican activity reflective of their particular needs, tastes, opinions, and interests, all of which may differ widely from—and even be at odds with—those of their neighbors. The United States is a republic because our elected representatives exercise political power.History also tells us that Rome was a republic, unlike Athens. Of course, citizens in democracy do recognize that some individuals are smarter than others. How can a country so consciously dedicated to republican principles become so addicted to democracy that it reduces the former to the latter? Towards that end, the founders of the U.S. produced what is now the longest-standing constitution of all nations in the world. In many cases, this subtle shift is not even acknowledged, let alone reflected on, even by those theorists of modern democracy who populate the academy today.REF And this blind-spot to democracy’s conflation of “the many” with “the all” is made all the more inexcusable by the majority’s uneven record on human rights in American history, from its original support of slavery, to its opposition of women’s rights to vote, to its reluctance to embrace the civil rights movement, among others. America’s “Mixed” Republic. Preserving the republican freedoms we cherish requires tempering egalitarian zeal and moderating the hope for a perfectly just democracy. Daniel Markovits, the Guido Calabressi professor of law at Yale University, thus calls for universities to free themselves from “the meritocratic inequality that now ensnares them,” so they can “pursue whatever values they hold dear, crafting admissions standards that favor community service, or academic scholarship, or hard-work, or a thousand other virtues. ‘T he United States is a republic, not a democracy.” This is one of those oft-repeated expressions that one hears in civil discourse whose meaning nevertheless remains somewhat fuzzy. In fact, quite a lot of them are looking for any excuse to take up arms. For if all minds are equal, then the view held by the majority of individual minds is most likely the correct one; the individual by himself has no grounds on which he can question it. According to Tocqueville, the preservation of our freedom from the tyranny of a democratic majority requires, among other things, the taste for freedom and self-government that comes from experiences such as jury duty and participation in local civil associations, robust religious belief, and the maintenance of the traditional family. Some rights such as the Bill of Rights, the right to vote, and the powers to amend the constitution are limited and cannot be changed by the sitting government without consulting the public directly. By “forms,” Tocqueville means those customs, ceremonies, and hierarchies that set human beings apart from one another and regulate their interactions. To be sure, America today suffers from a profoundly polarized politics. 10, the effort to eliminate factional differences out of a desire to decrease tension is a fool’s errand. 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